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investigated impediments for small-scale agricultural producers to use forecast information ( Lemos et al. 2002 ; Orlove et al. 2004 ; see special issue of Climatic Research , 2006, Vol. 33, No. 1; Suarez and Patt 2004 ). Initially, lack of access to the forecasts and limited understanding of scientific information was identified as a common problem. In response, several studies done with farmers in Africa suggest that participation in workshops or discussion groups increases comprehension and use of
investigated impediments for small-scale agricultural producers to use forecast information ( Lemos et al. 2002 ; Orlove et al. 2004 ; see special issue of Climatic Research , 2006, Vol. 33, No. 1; Suarez and Patt 2004 ). Initially, lack of access to the forecasts and limited understanding of scientific information was identified as a common problem. In response, several studies done with farmers in Africa suggest that participation in workshops or discussion groups increases comprehension and use of
-related decisions being made at the household scale. Ranchers are almost annually confronted with the difficult decision of whether to divest themselves of livestock, continue to haul food/water, or simply hope for the best and leave their animals to fend for themselves on the ranges. Farmers in our study reported altering their practices by planting earlier, later, or more frequently as soil moisture dictates, reducing field size, or hauling water in extremely dry times in order to provide moisture to
-related decisions being made at the household scale. Ranchers are almost annually confronted with the difficult decision of whether to divest themselves of livestock, continue to haul food/water, or simply hope for the best and leave their animals to fend for themselves on the ranges. Farmers in our study reported altering their practices by planting earlier, later, or more frequently as soil moisture dictates, reducing field size, or hauling water in extremely dry times in order to provide moisture to
1. Introduction The relationship between climate and how it is understood by local communities is characterized as “perception,” lending this subject to subjectivity analysis ( Leiserowitz 2005 , 2007 ; Schlindwein et al. 2011 ; Bonatti 2011 ; Boulanger 2012 ; Aberra 2012 ). The studies usually begin with a questionnaire to evaluate the climatic effects on various socioeconomic sectors. For example, farmers are asked to identify the climatic characteristics they use to establish their
1. Introduction The relationship between climate and how it is understood by local communities is characterized as “perception,” lending this subject to subjectivity analysis ( Leiserowitz 2005 , 2007 ; Schlindwein et al. 2011 ; Bonatti 2011 ; Boulanger 2012 ; Aberra 2012 ). The studies usually begin with a questionnaire to evaluate the climatic effects on various socioeconomic sectors. For example, farmers are asked to identify the climatic characteristics they use to establish their
climatologist Myles Allen took Al Gore to task for his sloppy attributions of visible weather events to global warming, but just nine months later, a series of hot-off-the-presses attribution studies (see Peterson et al. 2012 for a summary) inspired a volte-face: that same professor of geosystem science heartily declared that linking specific events to manmade climate change was now, in some cases, empirically justified, changing the very “climate of the climate change debate” ( Allen 2012 ). James Hansen
climatologist Myles Allen took Al Gore to task for his sloppy attributions of visible weather events to global warming, but just nine months later, a series of hot-off-the-presses attribution studies (see Peterson et al. 2012 for a summary) inspired a volte-face: that same professor of geosystem science heartily declared that linking specific events to manmade climate change was now, in some cases, empirically justified, changing the very “climate of the climate change debate” ( Allen 2012 ). James Hansen
produces forms of expertise that cut across affective, public/private, and epistemic divides. Scholars in the anthropology of climate change have analyzed this dynamic in other contexts. Their studies illustrate that participatory climate adaptation projects are based on the assumption that “resilience” to climate change is built into livelihood systems ( Crate 2011 , p. 171; see also Watts 2014 , 145–72). National and international governmental aid is coordinated from the bottom up, with an
produces forms of expertise that cut across affective, public/private, and epistemic divides. Scholars in the anthropology of climate change have analyzed this dynamic in other contexts. Their studies illustrate that participatory climate adaptation projects are based on the assumption that “resilience” to climate change is built into livelihood systems ( Crate 2011 , p. 171; see also Watts 2014 , 145–72). National and international governmental aid is coordinated from the bottom up, with an
; IPCC 2012 ) and IPCC AR5 (see IPCC 2014 ; Huq et al. 2014 ) adopted a risk assessment framework for climate change impacts. Other influential and related works include the Crichton’s Risk Triangle ( Crichton 1999 ) the Climate Vulnerability and Capacity Analysis Handbook ( Daze et al. 2009 ) and the Methods for the Improvement of Vulnerability Assessment in Europe (MOVE) framework ( Birkmann et al. 2013 ). Moreover, other older studies, and more recent ones as well, support the integration of CCA
; IPCC 2012 ) and IPCC AR5 (see IPCC 2014 ; Huq et al. 2014 ) adopted a risk assessment framework for climate change impacts. Other influential and related works include the Crichton’s Risk Triangle ( Crichton 1999 ) the Climate Vulnerability and Capacity Analysis Handbook ( Daze et al. 2009 ) and the Methods for the Improvement of Vulnerability Assessment in Europe (MOVE) framework ( Birkmann et al. 2013 ). Moreover, other older studies, and more recent ones as well, support the integration of CCA
