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Aaron M. McCright, Riley E. Dunlap, and Chenyang Xiao

1. Introduction Since the mid-2000s, U.S. conservative leaders and Republican politicians have stepped up efforts to challenge the reality and seriousness of anthropogenic climate change (ACC) ( Dunlap and McCright 2010 ; McCright and Dunlap 2010 ; Oreskes and Conway 2010 ; Powell 2011 ). The election of President Obama and a Democratic Congress in 2008 stimulated an upsurge in this ACC denial activism as well as lobbying against climate legislation by the conservative movement and fossil

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Margaret V. du Bray, Amber Wutich, and Alexandra Brewis

that they are less vulnerable in general, and in particular, are less vulnerable to the effects of environmental change. As Marshall et al. (2006) demonstrate, because white men are relatively immune to systemic injustice and harms, they, unlike their female and minority counterparts, are more willing to accept a certain amount of environmental risk. Given the minimal knowledge about emotional responses to anticipated landscape changes and the way this might impact men and women differently, we

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Lawrence C. Hamilton, Mary Lemcke-Stampone, and Curt Grimm

1. Introduction Physical manifestations of anthropogenic climate change are abundantly clear to scientists across many disciplines, informing their near-unanimous agreement on its reality ( Cook et al. 2016 ; USGCRP 2017 ). Agreement among the U.S. public, on the other hand, is generally lower and tied to political identity. Public acceptance of anthropogenic climate change has, nevertheless, risen gradually from percentages in the low 50s in 2010 to the mid-60s by 2016 ( Hamilton 2016

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Rachel Dryden, M. Granger Morgan, and Stephen Broomell

1. Introduction The extent to which climate change affects any individual weather event involves a variety of natural and anthropogenic factors (e.g., the state of large-scale circulation, aerosol effects, the level of anthropogenic climate change). By definition, extreme events are rare, which means that at any specific location, there are typically only a few examples of past events. Despite this, several methods now exist for making statistical attributions to the effect of the changing

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Brent Boehlert, Ellen Fitzgerald, James E. Neumann, Kenneth M. Strzepek, and Jeremy Martinich

1. Introduction Droughts in the United States can have pronounced economic effects on a wide variety of water-dependent activities. Statewide costs to agriculture of the 2014 California drought have been estimated at $2.2 billion (U.S. dollars), with a loss of 17 000 seasonal and part-time jobs ( Howitt et al. 2014 ). In the Colorado River basin, the longest drought in 100 years had left Lakes Mead and Powell at just over half their capacities as of 2007; and in the Klamath River basin on the

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Adebayo Oluwole Eludoyin, Augustina Olichikwu Nevo, Peter Adeolu Abuloye, Oyenike Mary Eludoyin, and Olusegun Olufemi Awotoye

; climate extremes induce a significant alteration in crop productivity ( Sivakumar et al. 2005 ). Extreme climatic events are a major condition that limits agricultural production in rain-fed farming systems. There is also growing evidence that anthropogenic climate change might be modifying the frequency and severity of these events ( Boko et al. 2007 ). Extreme climate conditions are a deviation from the norms and are capable of causing upsets in many important environmental parameters including

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Xiao Wang and Lin Lin

to explore whether personally experiencing the effects of global warming may influence one’s perceptions of global warming and subsequent support for global warming mitigation behaviors and policies (e.g., Spence et al. 2011 ; Wang 2017 ). Such research adds to our understanding of the relationships between personal experience and global warming–related beliefs. However, when examining the effects of personally experienced weather events on global warming perceptions, researchers often measured

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Astrid Kause, Tarlise Townsend, and Wolfgang Gaissmaier

“listeners” exposed to such a frame highlighting its severity in turn interpret such climate consequences to be more severe. a. Verbal frames for summarizing numerical information The same numerical information can be framed in a variety of ways ( Cacciatore et al. 2016 ; Scheufele and Iyengar 2014 ). “Framing effects” most famously refer to the phenomenon in which logically equivalent statements (i.e., each statement necessarily entails the other) that describe the same numerical information are

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Susan Joslyn and Raoni Demnitz

1. Introduction Conveying the implications of climate change, including the uncertainties involved, is one of the greatest challenges currently facing the scientific community ( National Research Council 2011 ). There is now nearly unanimous agreement among climate scientists about the existence of climate change ( Anderegg et al. 2010 ; Cook et al. 2013 ), including the effects of anthropogenic global warming already in evidence ( Wuebbles et al. 2017 ). However, as yet, a full-scale public

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Rebecca Bendick, Kyla M. Dahlin, Brian V. Smoliak, Lori Kumler, Sierra J. Jones, Athena Aktipis, Ezekiel Fugate, Rachel Hertog, Claus Moberg, and Dane Scott

emissions at 2004 levels. These consist of 15 different strategies, each of which would reduce CO 2 emissions by 1 GtC yr −1 in 50 yr. Although each of these wedge strategies would have the same impact on the global emissions budget, they differ substantially in technological complexity and feasibility, economic costs, societal impacts, and ecological effects. Choosing which strategies to implement, when to implement them, in what order, or even how much to invest in their implementation requires

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