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Melissa C. K. Phillips, Adam B. Cinderich, Jennifer L. Burrell, Jennifer L. Ruper, Rachel G. Will, and Scott C. Sheridan

1. Introduction Societal perceptions of climate change are often shaped by photographs, videos, eyewitness accounts, and the media ( Wilson 2000 ). The resulting perceptions that are formed include views on whether climate change is occurring, whether climate change is due to natural forces or anthropogenic forcing, and whether these changes affect the frequency, intensity, and/or duration of various natural disasters. The stances of the general public on these viewpoints can vary drastically

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Risa Palm, Toby Bolsen, and Justin T. Kingsland

choices, could significantly reduce greenhouse gas emissions in the United States over time ( Dietz et al. 2009 ; Capstick et al. 2014 ; Stern 2020 ); however, such reductions may be difficult to achieve in practice due to a lack of public (political) support for specific proenvironmental policies ( Druckman 2015 ; Nielsen et al. 2020b ; van der Linden 2016 ). In this context, it is crucial to understand how best to promote high-impact individual and collective actions to mitigate the effects that

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Adrienne Marshall, Van Butsic, and John Harte

). Similar methods in the Colorado Rockies have suggested a 10%–14% increase in visitation, though only a relatively small proportion of survey respondents indicated that they would change their behavior in response to climate change scenarios ( Richardson and Loomis 2004 ). In one park in southern Canada, weather visitation models suggested that annual park visitation might increase by 3.1% annually per additional degree (°C) of warming, with threshold effects at the warmest and coolest temperatures

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P. Zion Klos, John T. Abatzoglou, Alycia Bean, Jarod Blades, Melissa A. Clark, Megan Dodd, Troy E. Hall, Amanda Haruch, Philip E. Higuera, Joseph D. Holbrook, Vincent S. Jansen, Kerry Kemp, Amber Lankford, Timothy E. Link, Troy Magney, Arjan J. H. Meddens, Liza Mitchell, Brandon Moore, Penelope Morgan, Beth A. Newingham, Ryan J. Niemeyer, Ben Soderquist, Alexis A. Suazo, Kerri T. Vierling, Von Walden, and Chelsea Walsh

exhibit detectable trends from 1975 to 2010 ( p > 0.26; Table 1 ). The lack of a trend in these latter indicators does not necessarily mean they are insensitive to anthropogenic warming. Alternatively, the possibility exists that 1) controlling factors aside from temperature are important drivers of these variables and/or 2) the observational period 1975–2010 was too short and the interannual variability too large to exhibit a strong change over the period of record. The cumulative effects of

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J. Sander, J. F. Eichner, E. Faust, and M. Steuer

thunderstorm forcing and losses over time to either anthropogenic climate change or natural climate variability (or both). Even so, the results of recent scientific studies imply that the changes observed are consistent with the modeled effects of anthropogenic climate change. This holds even if it is plausible that large losses from severe thunderstorm outbreaks also occurred in the 1950s and 1960s ( Changnon 2001 ), because today's climatic regime could be fundamentally different compared to these past

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Michael J. Lynch, Paul B. Stretesky, and Michael A. Long

1. Introduction Research on the social impact of anthropogenic climate change suggests that long-term temperature increases could contribute 35 000 murders to the U.S. crime rate over the next 90 years ( Ranson 2014 ). This finding and similar empirical studies are attracting significant attention among criminologists ( Agnew 2012 ; Pease and Farrell 2011 ; White 2016 ). Agnew (2012) , for example, argued that climate change might affect the temperature–crime relationship through several

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Thomas R. Karl

.S. Global Change Research Program. Our members have been on the “front lines” of responding to growing needs for information about these changes as they relate to all aspects of anthropogenic influences and societal resiliency, including responses to extreme weather events and planning for future climate variability and change. What else is needed? Much more insight is required to effectively use our knowledge about variability and change in weather and climate. This includes new ways to manage, plan

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Julia Linder and Victoria Campbell-Arvai

al. 2014 ). Lane et al. (2018) found that perennial fruit growers in the Northeast, which will experience similar climate change effects as the Midwest ( Bryan et al. 2015 ), perceived they had fewer adaptation options for the reasons noted above. These complexities make adapting tree fruit agriculture to the changing climate uniquely challenging and speak to an urgent need to understand the risks that climate change poses for tree fruit agriculture and how farmers are currently responding to

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Stephen M. Strader, Walker S. Ashley, Thomas J. Pingel, and Andrew J. Krmenec

1. Introduction Increasing trends in weather-related disasters and losses are a function of climate and society ( Changnon et al. 2000 ; Bouwer 2011 ; IPCC 2012 ). Much of the research investigating the amplification in disaster consequences has focused on possible changes in hazard risk resulting from anthropogenic climate change [ Peterson et al. 2013 ; Kunkel et al. 2013 ; National Academies of Science Engineering and Medicine 2016 ]. While hazard risk is an important component of

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Joshua Ettinger, Peter Walton, James Painter, Shannon Osaka, and Friederike E. L. Otto

beliefs (e.g., Spence et al. 2011 ; van der Linden 2014 ), but the extent of these effects may change over time ( Hamilton and Stampone 2013 ; Konisky et al. 2016 ). Other studies find no measurable impact of extreme weather experiences on climate change perceptions (e.g., Whitmarsh 2008 ; Mildenberger and Leiserowitz 2017 ; Sun and Han 2018 ). Aligned with observations across the broader science communication literature, studies examining public engagement with extreme weather have noted the

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