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James N. Druckman and Richard M. Shafranek

effect even without re-exposure. The expectation is that there will be durability over time of the corrective prompt because it should stimulate more elaborative thinking as people search their memories for weather assessments rather than rely on a simple attribution substitution. Such thinking is what minimizes the effects of “more superficial, cue-driven processes” such as the end-heuristic ( Visser et al. 2006 , p. 5). More generally, “when people [form] elaborated attitudes … their attitudes [are

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Juan Declet-Barreto, Kim Knowlton, G. Darrel Jenerette, and Alexander Buyantuev

1. Introduction Exposure to high summertime temperatures is a significant threat to human health, especially in cities, where urban heat islands (UHIs) are elevating temperatures already on the rise from global climate change. Heat-retaining, impervious land covers like paved roadways and unvegetated surfaces and alterations to wind and energetic flows from vertical surfaces of buildings elevate local temperatures in UHIs. These anthropogenic, regional-scale transformations to natural land

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Christopher A. Fiebrich, Jadwiga R. Ziolkowska, Phillip B. Chilson, and Elizabeth A. Pillar-Little

. Environmental impacts of weather events relate mainly to changes in natural or anthropogenic ecosystems (e.g., damage to lakes, ponds, fish habitats, trees, and agricultural lands). While some ecosystem changes might be mostly harmless, others can cause ripple effects for economic sectors and societal activities. An environmental change of this kind could result in road rebuilding, which might cause social inconveniences (e.g., longer drive distances and higher travel costs) as well as other economic

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Jadwiga R. Ziolkowska, Christopher A. Fiebrich, J. D. Carlson, Andrea D. Melvin, Albert J. Sutherland, Kevin A. Kloesel, Gary D. McManus, Bradley G. Illston, James E. Hocker, and Reuben Reyes

, 2) direct and indirect benefits generated by the network at the state, national, and international scales, 3) beneficiary groups, and 4) ripple effects of those benefits in the short and long term. Ripple effects are defined in this paper as constantly occurring and spreading outcomes/implications of the benefits generated by Mesonet weather information and value-added products that are amplified on the temporal scale and across different beneficiary groups. Ripple effects can occur on the

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Samuel J. Childs, Russ S. Schumacher, and Julie L. Demuth

anthropogenic ( Arbuckle et al. 2014 ; Prokopy et al. 2015b ), and Prokopy et al. (2015a) found that climate and agricultural scientists are nearly 4 times more likely to believe in anthropogenically caused climate change than are farmers. Interestingly, despite a general concern for climate change impacts on weather patterns that affect crop yields, the majority of U.S. farmers agree that adaptation strategies can overcome adverse effects ( Arbuckle et al. 2013 ; Prokopy et al. 2015b ). At the local

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Amanda H. Lynch and Ronald D. Brunner

distress. A particularly effective analogy can be drawn between the challenges faced by communities in adapting to the effects of climate change on the one hand and adaptations in the face of large climate variability on the other ( Cash and Buizer 2005 ; McPhaden et al. 2006 ). What has been made clear in many studies of responses to large climate variability is that, to paraphrase O’Brien et al. (2000) , information alone is not enough. For example, Patt (2009) , in a comparative evaluation of

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Abby Halperin and Peter Walton

dimension of psychological distance, some referenced their humanity, for example, “It affects everyone. I’m human” (disengaged, control 2), whereas others were more specific, citing the effects of the drought. Another group of participants acknowledged that climate change may be affecting them personally but expressed greater concern for others. While some participants identified personal impacts of climate change, others were more skeptical of anthropogenic climate change. These participants criticized

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Debbie Hopkins

through increased media attention ( Sherry 2002 ). Topics of high interest coupled with high uncertainty, such as climate change, are more susceptible to the effects of media agenda setting. Journalists operate as mediators between scientific and nonscientific communities ( Mikulak 2011 ). Yet, often they too have a nonscientific understanding of climate change ( Bell 1994b ). Consequently, it is argued that journalists can underplay the scientific consensus and accentuate the scientific debate

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Rachel Hauser

1. Introduction Geoengineering refers to the deliberate manipulation of the earth’s climate system to reduce the effects of human-made climate change ( Keith 2000 ; Cicerone 2006 ; Crutzen 2006 ; MacCracken 2006 ; Schneider 2008 ). Geoengineering methods are typically categorized as either carbon dioxide removal (CDR) or solar radiation management (SRM) techniques. The former includes processes to remove carbon from the atmosphere, while the latter describes techniques to reduce incoming

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Aglaé Jézéquel, Vivian Dépoues, Hélène Guillemot, Amélie Rajaud, Mélodie Trolliet, Mathieu Vrac, Jean-Paul Vanderlinden, and Pascal Yiou

encourages scientists to test original configurations of their models ( Massey et al. 2015 ). Stott et al. (2013) highlight the challenges in understanding and modeling extreme events and how they are affected by anthropogenic climate change. The momentum related to EEA has led to more research on these topics, and hence participated in the improvement of extreme event science. The scientific motivation to pursue EEA is mentioned by almost all the scientists interviewed in the A2C2 corpus, and it came

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