1. Introduction
Bangladesh faces several appreciable environmental problems, with floods and land degradation being the most significant [Department of Bangladesh Haor and Wetlands Development (DBHWD) 2017; Alam and Islam 2017]. Extensive flooding frequently occurs in the northeastern haor region of Bangladesh (Baishakhy et al. 2023; Dey et al. 2021), which is rich in natural wetland resources (IUCN 2015; Monwar et al. 2018). Although floods are natural events in wetland areas, haor communities have recently experienced devastating flooding on average once every 3 years (Chakraborty et al. 2021), most notably in 1998, 2000, 2003, 2004, 2007, 2010, 2012, 2016, 2017, 2019, and 2022 (Choudhury and Haque 2016; Kamruzzaman et al. 2023a). For instance, the flash floods of 2017 caused more than 80% of rice production—around 0.88 million metric tons of wetland rice—to be damaged (Kamruzzaman et al. 2023a,b; Rahman et al. 2018). Climate change, mining activities, deforestation, and insufficient channel maintenance have been identified as primary contributors to sedimentation that generate various stresses on local communities in some regions (DBHWD, 2017; Dey et al. 2021; Kamal et al. 2018; Masood and Takeuchi, 2016; Islam et al. 2022). Changes in precipitation patterns elevate the risk of flooding, with abnormal rainfall leading to runoff-induced flooding (Chakraborty et al. 2021). Predictions indicate a significant future increase in rainfall frequency and the occurrence of severe floods (Kabir et al. 2024; Masood and Takeuchi 2016), with heavy rainfall and runoff from steep slopes in the bordering hills of Assam and Meghalaya contributing to this phenomenon (Roy et al. 2019; Sultana et al. 2020). During flash floods, sediment movement intensifies, potentially changing river channel size, shape, and location (Dey et al. 2021; Ferdushi et al. 2019). Sediment deposition near the terminal ends of the channels in the lowest parts of the haor forms distal alluvial fans, channel levees, and occasional impediments to water flow (Chakraborty et al. 2021; Islam et al. 2022).
The combined impact of anthropogenic influences on sedimentation has severe and far-reaching consequences for wetland ecosystems and the livelihoods of communities in haor regions (Islam et al. 2022). Sedimentation both reduces the water conveyance capacity of rivers (Anik and Khan 2012; Kamal et al. 2018) and leads to a decline in water storage volume, which affects the availability and permanence of water (Jakariya et al. 2020; Buragohain and Bhuyan 2014; Sultana et al. 2022). During flash floods in the wetland region of northeastern (NE) Bangladesh, the transport of sand and other particles may lead to water scarcity during the dry season due to the infilling of channels and wetlands, which hinders fishing and agricultural activities (Bhuiyan et al. 2017). The abundance of flora and fauna in sedimentation-affected areas has also decreased, leading to environmental degradation of the haor (Talukdar et al. 2015; Islam et al. 2022), which directly influences the economic conditions of surrounding communities (Fang et al. 2020). Although wetland communities are accustomed to flash floods (DBHWD 2017), sedimentation poses additional challenges (Islam et al. 2022). This prompts questions regarding how wetland populations adapt to this hazard and the tactics they employ. Unlike most seasonal-flood-related water impacts, sedimentation exerts year-round and long-lasting effects that cause various slow shocks and stresses. The limited literature on how communities cope with, and respond to, this unique stress process, which is distinct from other natural hazards such as floods, highlights a gap in our understanding of resilience methods.
To address this research gap, the present study investigates how haor communities respond to sedimentation, elucidates critical short- and long-term strategies, and helps understand the underlying motivations for their adoption. Drawing insights from Di Baldassarre et al. (2010), we acknowledge the importance of considering the unintended consequences of the short-term erosive mitigation measures often adopted by residents in flood-prone areas. Although these localized strategies may provide immediate relief, they can inadvertently contribute to heightened flood vulnerability, emphasizing the need for a comprehensive and strategic approach. Unlike other environmental risks such as floods, excessive sedimentation triggers a variety of slow-moving shocks and stresses, prompting varied reactions to these hazards. Recognizing the need to enhance our understanding of how people navigate this stress process and the characteristics of resilience methods, our study aimed to investigate how individuals affected by sedimentation can address and overcome their vulnerabilities through diverse adaptation processes. Consequently, our study explores how haor residents innovate to counteract the negative impacts of sedimentation by employing various strategies in both the short and long terms. Answers to these research objectives are pivotal for advancing our understanding of the responses of haor communities to sedimentation and providing policymakers with empirical evidence to formulate effective and sustainable adaptation plans and policies tailored to the unique challenges faced by haor communities.
2. Conceptual framework
The conceptual framework for this study consists of four key components: (i) climate change in wetlands and its impact, (ii) shocks and vulnerability resulting from sedimentation, (iii) patterns of adaptation mechanisms, and (iv) the nature and impact of these strategies.
a. Climate change in wetlands and its impact
The haor basin is located near the world’s rainiest places, Cherrapunji and Mawsynram (Basher et al. 2018). However, rainfall patterns have changed because of climate change. For example, from Bangladesh Meteorological Data, Dey et al. (2021) found that in March and April 2017, the Sylhet station (northeast region) received 154% and 133% higher rainfall than the average precipitation in both months from 1988 to 2017. Masood and Takeuchi (2016) projected that the rainy season peaks in this wetland region will likely shift by 1–1.5 months earlier by the last decades of the twenty-first century. Regarding temperature variations in the northeast region, research indicates a substantial increase in temperature over the past four decades, reaching a peak of 35.1°C in 2014 (Basak et al. 2013). Khan et al. (2019) also showed a notable rise in monthly maximum and minimum temperatures, with an increase of 0.35° and 0.16°C decade−1, respectively.
In addition, the northeast haor region is a hotspot for extreme weather events, and in recent decades, erratic rainfall and drought have been major climatic issues positively correlated with a decline in aquatic resources. Climatic changes and extreme weather events have caused significant economic losses, including destruction of rice, fish, and livestock production (Baishakhy et al. 2023; Chakraborty et al. 2021; Kamruzzaman et al. 2023a); increased social vulnerability, such as child labor (Islam et al. 2022); occupational change (DBHWD 2017); environmental displacement (Chand et al. 2024); mass migration (Barua and Saha 2024; Varughese and Mathew 2023); fatalities (Dey et al. 2021); and damage to infrastructure (Choudhury et al. 2019).
b. Vulnerability and shocks from flash floods and sedimentation
Increased sedimentation and excess sand mining in the haor wetlands have led to a variety of shocks and vulnerabilities, such as loss of livelihood opportunities (DBWHD 2017), environmental displacement (Islam et al. 2022), desertification (Bhuiyan et al. 2017), and the loss of aquatic resources and biodiversity (Bendixen et al. 2021; Dey et al. 2021). In addition to the loss of croplands and waterways (Bhuiyan et al. 2017), violence and social strife (Islam et al. 2022) have contributed to this situation. Flooding associated with sedimentation causes changes in the waterways and land cover, thereby reducing the practical use of natural resources (Chakraborty et al. 2021; Dey et al. 2021; Sultana et al. 2022). This damage is exacerbated by the likelihood that the region will experience more severe impacts after flooding and sedimentation (Kamal et al. 2018).
c. Short-term versus long-term strategies against disasters
The most common short-term coping strategies include seasonal migration, borrowing, reliance on social networks, selling home or livelihood assets, and performing causal labor (Abid et al. 2020; Alam et al. 2018; Raihan et al. 2014). Most individuals rely on short-term tactics (Hussain et al. 2020), with short-term coping strategies positively and negatively influencing resilience (Marschke and Berkes 2006). Those affected by disasters, such as floods and droughts, commonly adopt three types of coping mechanisms: (i) assistance-oriented strategies, such as borrowing necessities from different sources; (ii) asset-based mechanisms, such as selling assets or saving; and (iii) behavior-related measures, such as rearranging work schedules or changing consumption habits (Ahsan 2017).
Based on climate shocks, including floods and droughts, Abid et al. (2020) identified two types of coping strategy: (i) an ex ante strategy employed in advance to survive climate shocks, such as shifting cropping patterns, saving, and early planting; and (ii) ex post strategies adopted after the climate shock, such as crop diversification, fertilizer adjustment, and reconstruction of housing and farmland. Over time, these short-term coping strategies may transform into long-term adaptation strategies that focus on securing livelihoods effectively and sustainably, using autonomous resources or plans for new and old knowledge or strategies (Khanal et al. 2017, 2018). These strategies are broad, frequently adapted, and developed over several generations (Haq et al. 2021). Long-term strategies are related to adaptive capacity, which refers to the ability to create gradual alterations and changes in anticipation of, or in reaction to, change (Bahadur et al. 2016). These capacities can be short or long term, reactive, anticipatory, technical, institutional, legal, or behavioral (Khanal et al. 2018). In summary, coping and adaptation strategies overlap and are sometimes difficult to distinguish on different time scales (Deb and Haque 2017; Mah et al. 2020). Consequently, research often refers to short- and long-term strategies, rather than coping and adaptation strategies (Quandt 2021; Mabuku et al. 2019).
d. Erosive versus innovative strategies against shock and vulnerability
A viable short- and long-term plan helps to reduce risk and susceptibility. However, adaptability, variety, and inclusivity change the ability of households to respond to challenging circumstances, which is necessary for these tactics to be sustainable (Wamsler and Brink 2014). Consequently, specific tactics can become erosive, whereas others can become novel or nonerosive. Based on the studies by Opondo (2013) and Quandt (2021), erosive strategies can be summarized as specific types of activities that, although helping communities, individuals, and systems cope with disasters immediately, are also harmful to the environment. For instance, excessive reliance on food or aid can benefit people or communities during times of danger, such as drought. However, if local communities rely heavily on relief rather than alternative strategies to deal with drought, this could become problematic if food or aid is unavailable (Ahmed et al. 2017). Numerous studies have shown that selling liquid assets, such as livestock, is a common erosive risk-coping strategy that can reduce household assets and opportunities for additional income, as well as end the use of animal traction for farming (Bahta and Myeki 2021; Monwar et al. 2018).
Similarly, changing dietary habits, including a reduced number of meals, fewer preferred foods, and reduced household expenses due to disasters, is the most frequent erosive strategy in drought- and flood-affected areas (Bhattacharjee and Behera 2018; Choudhury and Haque 2016). These measures lead to an unbalanced diet and reduce the physical strength of individuals for manual labor (Santos et al. 2011). Other changes, such as increasing fishing time, using excess fishing gear, and applying more pesticides and chemical fertilizers, are the most hostile measures in fishing and farming communities. They may deplete and harm aquatic resources over the long term, destroy habitats, and damage the environment (Monwar et al. 2018; Touza et al. 2021).
Conversely, nonerosive strategies refer to sustainable production activities that help maintain the critical productive assets of individuals to cope with adverse situations but without harming the environment and economic opportunities. These strategies can be engineering- or nonengineering-based, planned or autonomous, and innovative or productive (Haq et al. 2021). Innovative approaches are more collective and develop through social networks, connectivity, and mutual understanding between residents (Bandyopadhyay et al. 2024; Freduah et al. 2019). Disaster-prone individuals have adopted various innovative strategies, such as changing agricultural practices, crop diversity, seasonal migration, and planting (Chowdhury et al. 2013).
The use of short crops or high-yield varieties (HYV) is the most common innovative strategy employed by formal institutions to address disaster vulnerability (Pham et al. 2019). Home gardens, cash crops, and vegetable cultivation can also contribute to income diversity in areas affected by climate change (Alam 2018; Amin et al. 2021; Mabuku et al. 2019). However, in terms of agricultural practices, many residents use traditional indigenous knowledge. Ahmed and Haq (2019) found that the Khasia and Tripura ethnic groups in Bangladesh used traditional knowledge to combat climate change, using crop diversification, changes in planting and harvesting, and short-lived crops as innovative coping strategies. Seasonal migration is also a common strategy for redressing vulnerabilities, although its effectiveness depends on the local context. Consequently, many studies describe migration as a nonerosive strategy because of remittances (Chowdhury et al. 2012), social tensions (Islam et al. 2022), and labor crises (Touza et al. 2021).
These studies have conducted abundant research on environmental degradation, the effects of floods, droughts and cyclones, and various adaptation strategies. The purpose of the present study is to document how people living in the Lubar and Pochashul haor (LPH) wetlands adopt innovative strategies against the new silent disaster of “sedimentation,” a product of natural processes, climate change, and other anthropogenic landscape changes (Islam et al. 2022). Our findings contribute to the knowledge base of researchers and policymakers regarding wetland changes in developing countries such as Bangladesh.
3. Methodology
a. Selection of study areas
Bangladesh is one of the countries most vulnerable to climate change (Pouliotte et al. 2009) and climate-related disasters affecting the livelihoods of people living in wetlands and coastal areas (Kabir et al. 2022). The haor wetland region is located in northeastern Bangladesh, with the study district of Sunamganj regularly facing flash floods and being prone to severe sedimentation (Bangladesh Haor and Wetland Development Board 2012; Islam et al. 2022). The study area, LPH (see Fig. 1), possesses 95 wetlands close to the border with India and is surrounded by hilly terrain.
Location map of the study area, NE Bangladesh, with LPHs, and the villages studied herein labeled. The water level in this Landsat image from 15 May 2019 reflects the beginning of monsoon flooding in the haor region.
Citation: Weather, Climate, and Society 17, 1; 10.1175/WCAS-D-23-0078.1
Most significant wetlands, such as the Tanguar, Matian, Shoneer, Halir, Lubar, and Pochashul haors, are in Tahirpur, upazila (subdistrict) of Sunamganj, located at the foot of the southwest Khasi Hills in the Indian state Meghalaya. This subdistrict possesses five rivers with 129 km of embankments, 14 canals, 18 smaller water streams, and 81 beels (permanent shallow lakes), 36 of which are more than 8 ha (20 acres) in area. During the monsoon period, water and sediment flow through these rivers and streams, making this subdistrict the most flooded and sedimentation-affected area in the Sunamganj District. Lubar (1636 ha) and Pochashul (part of the Balda Gulaghat Haor, 882 ha) haors, for example, have undergone extensive sedimentation over the last two decades, partially filling the floors of beels. Herein, LPH, which is a crucial resource for fish and rice with an area of 16.36 km2, is the primary source of livelihood for approximately 172 000 people living in 20 villages.
b. Population sampling and data collection techniques
This study employed a multistage, nonrandom sampling method to select the study sites, including sample households. The Tahirpur Upazila, the area most affected by natural disasters in the Sunamganj District, was selected based on previous studies (Kamal et al. 2018). We interviewed the Upazila Nirbahi Officer (UNO) and government and NGO officials of the Tahirpur subdistrict, who informed us of villages adjacent to hilly areas that were highly vulnerable to sedimentation. Of the seven Union Parishads (UPs, the lowest tier of local government), Tahirpur, Uttar Bordol, and Badaghat were chosen because of their high exposure to flood and sedimentation risks. We also conducted key informant interviews (KIIs) with the chairpersons of the selected unions, who helped us choose the study sites. Six villages were selected for the detailed study: Rojoniline, Chandpur, and Shantipur, situated near Pochashul Haor in Uttar Bordol, Uttar Pradesh, and Patargaon, Yunuspur, and Jaspratap located near Lubar Haor in Badaghat, Uttar Pradesh, based on three criteria: (i) villages near to haor or water streams (canals, choras, river), (ii) villages experiencing sedimentation and/or landslides, and (iii) inhabitants who mostly rely on the haor or water bodies for their livelihood. A total of 180 households were selected using the sample size determination formula of Krejcie and Morgan (1970) (Table 1).
Sample sizes in the six selected villages.
Our study followed a mixed-methods approach, using quantitative and qualitative techniques. The study area had two distinguishing water characteristics: seasonal inundation during the monsoon period and seasonal drying during winter. Therefore, the fieldwork adopted a two-step procedure, with field visits in June (monsoon peak) and November–February (winter). In June, we conducted key informant interviews with local government officials, such as Executive Engineers of the Bangladesh Water Development Board, the District and Upazila Fishery Officer, and UNO, as well as local journalists, representatives of civil societies, and inhabitants of selected sites, which provided information regarding sedimentation and socioeconomic conditions of villagers. Subsequently, we visited the LPHs, selected based on the above expert interviews, to observe and understand the nature, scenario, and depth of floodplain sedimentation. Based on these meetings and field experiences, we developed a draft checklist. During the early dry season (November), we conducted a follow-up visit to the study area. We conducted a pilot test to ensure the adequacy of the information obtained and to remove any ambiguity in the questions and data-collection techniques. After the second field visit, we finalized the data collection techniques and survey instruments used for the final fieldwork from December to February. The dry season was preferable for fieldwork because local transport was convenient and it was possible to reach remote villages.
We used a semistructured questionnaire to collect primary data, which consisted of three parts: (i) sociodemographic features of households, (ii) information concerning the impact of sedimentation, and (iii) recall questions, yielding an answer of yes or no (if yes, how frequent) regarding the different types of short- and long-term strategies adopted by households. However, such surveys cannot fully address the surrounding natural resources of a community, its historical evolution, coping strategies, or adaptive strategies (B. Ahmed et al. 2019). Thus, to overcome the limitations of the survey questionnaire, we conducted focus group discussions (FGDs), KIIs, personal in-depth interviews (IDIs), and transect walks (TWs) as qualitative techniques that have been successfully used in other studies in disaster-prone areas (Ahsan 2017; Deb and Haque 2017; Kamal et al. 2018).
This study also conducted several TWs to help identify details of the local landscape, location, resources, sustainability of crucial livelihood assets, and social situation of each village (B. Ahmed et al. 2019). FGDs were conducted with 5–15 people (Fig. 2) from homogenous sociodemographic and economic backgrounds. We selected respondents for IDIs from a subset of household heads who provided consent during the household survey, with the primary inclusion criterion being those who adapted to multiple coping strategies (Fig. 3).
Field photographs with respondents during the FGDs.
Citation: Weather, Climate, and Society 17, 1; 10.1175/WCAS-D-23-0078.1
Impact of flash floods on Rojoniline and Chandpur villages, adjacent to the Shillong Plateau. (a),(b) Flooding and sedimentation resulting from flash floods covering homestead areas and productive agricultural land, 3 Jun 2022 and 9 Jan 2023, respectively. The extensive sedimentation captured in (b) was attributed to catastrophic floods that occurred in July 2022. (c),(d) Stone guard walls built around houses in Rojoniline and Chandpur, respectively, as protective measures against sedimentation caused by flash floods.
Citation: Weather, Climate, and Society 17, 1; 10.1175/WCAS-D-23-0078.1
c. Data analysis
We present descriptive statistics, including the frequency of responses as percentages, concerning the sociodemographic status of households and the different coping strategies they adopt. Questions concerning coping strategies were asked with a yes or no response, with “yes” responses coded into three categories: hardly at all, occasionally, and all the time.
Texts from transcriptions of focus groups and in-depth interviews were extracted to reveal how households adopted different coping mechanisms. Thematic analysis procedures were conducted using a systematic guide, in which the thematic analysis of qualitative data and transcription was performed manually. Such thematic analyses identify and report patterns or themes emerging from the texts (Braun and Clarke 2006; Haq 2022; Islam and Vodden 2023; Kabir et al. 2016).
4. Results
a. Sociodemographic characteristics of households
We surveyed 180 households, comprising 51.1% females and 48.9% males. Sixty-six percent of households had four to six members, while 21% had one to three members. The average family size is 5.8. Two-thirds (75.3%) of respondents were married, 18.8% were unmarried, and 6% were divorced/separated or widowed. The average age at the first marriage was 22.3 and 17.0 years for men and women, respectively. Regarding education, the highest percentage (43.5%) was illiterate, with the lowest percentage (1.5%) having completed college education. Most houses in the LPHs have tin roofs, with 50% constructed using wall-mounted tin sheets and approximately one-third (29.4%) having tin-shed roofs and bamboo walls. In contrast, approximately 12.7% of respondents used straw and bamboo as housing materials. In Bangladesh, traditional tube wells are manually constructed using basic tools and tend to be shallow, while modern tube wells are mechanized and drilled deeper for better water quality and quantity. Traditional wells may suffer from contamination and require more maintenance, whereas modern wells offer greater reliability and efficiency, especially in providing safe drinking water. Modern tube wells (57%) were the dominant water source for drinking and household purposes, although many people collected water from local water sources (canals/rivers/ponds; 25.4%) and traditional tube wells (17.6%). Table 2 shows that 67.5% of the people used hanging latrines, 19.4% used sanitary or offset pit latrines, and 13.1% stated that they had no latrines and defecated in the open.
Sociodemographic status of households.
b. Short-term erosive strategies
1) Assistance and asset-based strategies
Brother, I take all the groceries, including rice, onions, and potatoes, from my neighbor’s shop on credit and pay for it in exchange for either paddy or cash (Female, 30, Chandpur).
I could not obtain loans during the lean season. However, only a few of the relatives were affluent. Nevertheless, they would not help us because they felt that we did not have enough income and were unable to repay the loan. Therefore, we took high interest loans from moneylenders (Farmer, 45, in Kansonpur).
Selling assets, including means of transport, jewelry, trees, cell phones, rice stocks, and livestock, was an adverse strategy undertaken by 66.5% of respondents. A significant percentage (44.6%) of households sold their miscellaneous possessions occasionally, followed by 13% always and 11% not at all (Table 3).
Different types of short-term erosive strategy.
I had three acres of paddy land and received 60–80 mounds (one mound = 40 kg) of rice, in the absence of early rainfall. This year, I lost everything to sand and floodwater and was starved during this period. Therefore, I sold my cattle for 15000 BDT (currency of Bangladesh) to manage family expenditures (Farmer, 35, Amtolee).
We could not collect stones from the river, leaving us workless for approximately four to five months. We sell labor in advance and take money from the quarry employer to manage household expenses during the crisis. As we accept cash in advance, we will continue to work with lower wages during the winter (Stone Labor, Male, 45, Chandpur).
We had only half of the land’s khear (15 decimals), and my son and husband had cultivated the land. However, this land was covered with sand and crops were destroyed. Sands from landslides ruined houses. We became penniless and had to survive in relief for a few days, as supplied by the government (Housewife, 36, Chandpur).
2) Expenditure and food-based strategies
Sunamgonj (District) is famous for fish and rice, but our area has no more fish or rice. Most of the caught fish went to Dhaka, Bhoerob, or Sylhet. People fight hunger throughout the year. During the crisis, dry fish, green leaves, and potatoes were the main foods, along with flattened rice and roti (tortilla) (Fisherman, Male, 37, Kansonpur).
Obtaining wild vegetables and fish from haor is difficult because of the presence of sand. I sometimes prepare a slurry of cooked rice or roti with wild vegetables and feed it to my children and husband. I take food that remains after they eat, and sometimes I sleep with only a glass of water (Housewife, 27, Rojoniline).
Unseasonal floods washed away our crops, so my husband left looking for seasonal work. Before he left, he kept only a few potatoes, kilos of rice, and vegetables, such as radishes, cooking oil, spices, and salt, for ten days. We need around one kilo of rice to consume per day. I am helpless and fast, so I can provide food to my children. While they cry for hunger, I assume that rice and vegetables come soon when their father fasts for one month; however, we are born hungry and fast for more months (Housewife, 27, Rojoniline).
We lost everything because of the flash floods and sand. Currently, we are facing a food crisis and unemployment. We could not manage our next meal or buy any clothes for my young son for Eid (Muslim religious festival) (Farmer, 32, Kansonpur).
My child had severe asthma and other skin disorders. However, I had no cash and could not get money from my relatives or neighbors. Every household lost its crops and materials and avoided joining any social event as we could not provide gifts. (Female, 35, Amtolee).
Approximately 43% of respondents skipped meals during the lean and peak seasons (Table 3). Culturally, eating rice three times a day is most common in rural areas, where most people are involved in manual work. However, most haor dwellers consume two meals per day, with or without rice, to survive. Most of the time, females skip meals more often than males because of cultural habits or domestic violence. During the hunger season, females give meals to male members of their families; domestic violence by males on female members of a household has been reported when women refuse to provide more food (K. J. Ahmed et al. 2019; Carrico et al. 2020).
c. Short-term innovative strategies
1) Traditional livestock foddering–based strategies
I used to cut grass from Pochashul Haor twice daily; however, everything changed: the grass was ruined by the early flood and sand deposit. Currently, I have only three cattle and feed them different supplementary foods, which are also expensive; for example, a 25 kg sack price is 1700 BDT (around USD 20) (Fisherman, Male, 36, Rojoniline).
Various short-term innovative adaptive strategies practiced by HHs.
Citation: Weather, Climate, and Society 17, 1; 10.1175/WCAS-D-23-0078.1
We moved our ducks and cattle to Tanguar Haor during Hamonto (late autumn), rooming them into wetland piracy. A few laborers (locally called Kamla) looked after the livestock and stayed on the haor in temporary huts made of bamboo and straw. They made a net enclosure and lit candles at night to protect livestock from wild animals (Farmer, Male, 57, Amtolee).
It is challenging to feed cattle during the winter and monsoon if there is not enough money to buy supplementary livestock food, so inhabitants of our villages send their cattle to the border. Indian Border Guards do not shoot cows because they respect them as sacred animals (Housewife, Female, 28, Rojoniline).
2) Traditional livelihood–based strategies
Due to sedimentation, cultivated lands and fishing grounds have been destroyed (Figs. 2a,b), thereby leading to an overwhelming number of respondents (91.5%) undertaking seasonal migration from LPHs to different subdistricts or districts to secure their livelihoods. For example, 55.5% reported that their family members regularly moved to larger cities, including Sunamgonj and Sylhet, for alternative jobs and worked as day laborers in construction, brick breaking, pulling rickshaws, or stone laborers in different sand and stone quarries (Fig. 4).
I worked as a stone laborer in nearby stone quarries. One of my friends assisted me in getting this day’s labor work. Like us, many relatives have migrated from the haor to another place to find work (Female, 32, Amtolee).
I was unemployed during the rainy season. Sometimes I worked in a coal depot as a night guard. From the 300 to 350 BDT earned (around USD 3), I saved some money to buy necessary goods by using the saved money (Day Labor, Male, 38, Rojoniline).
All of my land was destroyed by sand. What is to be done? I tried to remove the sand using a hoe during the rain, and the rainwater quickly washed out the sand. Sometimes, we become successful; however, the land is filled again after a flash flood. (Farmer, Male, 57, Chandpur).
d. Long-term unsustainable strategies
1) Occupational change–based long-term strategies
The natural levees of the haor river network readily become submerged during the monsoon months but are prone to drying out during the postmonsoon period. Thus, both fishing (for 7–9 months) and farming (from December to April) are the principal traditional occupations of most wetland inhabitants. The deposition of sand, silt, and gravel has caused people to change their occupation from traditional agricultural livelihoods to substantial day labor. Different occupational change–based strategies—child labor, barky labor (collection of stones and sand with buckets and spades from riverbeds and quarry areas), coal transport labor, and stone or coal picking—are found in the haor wetlands.
The highest frequency of occupational change (94.5%; Table 4) was reported in barky laboring as a significant occupational change–based strategy among dwellers after sedimentation destroyed agricultural land. Barky laborers work for 12–14 h per day and earn a minimal wage, with this physical work entailing digging gravel and sand and carrying this in baskets on their heads to stone-crushing machines. These workers were invariably victims of unjust behavior from authorities, lacked emergency medical services, and were subject to extreme pollution and dangerous working environments. Some 80% of respondents adopted this profession most frequently, with only 9% seldom adopting this change in labor.
Different types of long-term unsustainable strategy.
Typically, I extracted a maximum of six minuscule stone baskets daily for 50 cents each. As a woman, I cannot make more than $3 per day, whereas men can earn up to $5 doing various jobs such as lifting, loading trucks, and diving into the river to collect stones (Day labor, Female, 39, Chandpur).
Now, I face economic struggles and cannot pay for my children’s schooling costs. We do not have sufficient food or cash for survival. My son works in the Jhadukata River stone quarry and earns money. They helped us pick stones and coal, perform household chores, and carry food to the quarry (Female, Stone Labor, 45, Rojoniline).
I am involved in fishing for 2 to 3 months. I worked as a casual coal laborer in a coal depot for the rest of my months. After sedimentation, 50–60 casual labourers seek jobs at the depot, but only 5%–10% of these laborers are hired (Coal worker, Male, 40, Kanchonpur).
2) Agriculture and homestead land–based long-term strategies
We must spend at least 8000–10000 BDT (approximately USD 75–90) on pesticides and spraying different herbicides because of reduced land fertility. This year, I used manifold fertilizers, such as nitrogen, phosphorus, gypsum, and plant growth regulators, while preparing land for further production. (Farmer, Male, 41, Kansonpur).
Brick infrastructure such as pucca is costly for us, so tin sheets are the most common material for us because every year, we are supposed to rebuild our houses, mosques, or churches due to the flood and sand invasion (Local Political Leader, Male, 60, Rojoniline).
We use a water-hyacinth barrier around the house to shield the house, and mud barrier indoors, to protect households from flash flood and sedimentation is most common in our locality. However, we cannot save anything when massive floods and sedimentation come down from the Indian hills (Fisherman, 41, Kansonpur).
Fish are rare during the winter; however, they are expected to survive. Fishing is our blood, addiction, and our ancestors’ occupation. We go to Tangua (Tanguar Haor) and try to catch fish the whole night, sometimes staying for one to two weeks in that haor (Fisherman, 31, Kansonpur).
e. Long-term innovative strategies
1) Shifting agricultural practice–based long-term strategies
Wetlands dry up during winter and are then used to farm different crops, particularly boro (summer) rice. Traditionally, inhabitants cultivate deep water rice; however, because of natural disasters, increasing demand for food, and the development of agricultural science, native rice cultivation has disappeared completely, with 71% of 180 respondents (Fig. 5) now cultivating different HYV of rice to diffuse crop-related risk. In addition to HYV rice, various vegetables have been grown on land that has undergone considerable sedimentation.
Various long-term innovative adaptive strategies practiced by HHs.
Citation: Weather, Climate, and Society 17, 1; 10.1175/WCAS-D-23-0078.1
The cultivation of a single crop is more often affected by early flash floods from April to May. However, sedimentation has transformed these lowland regions into elevated land, with farmers planting both sail rice (winter, from June–July to November–December) and amon rice (autumn rice, from March–April to June–July) most frequently (115 of 127; Fig. 4) as a substitute for boro rice to avoid the risk of crop damage.
Watermelon, keera (small cucumber), and groundnut were cultivated in high areas because they require less water. These crops are new hope for livelihood and income (Farmer, Male, 38, Chandpur).
Most areas in our village, the Lubar Haor, and the Pochashul Haor, are submerged in water in all monsoons. One is digging ditches; being higher, they are surrounded by sand and soil for water, and fish meet floods and rainwater. Rich people commercially cultivate fish such as tilapia and pangus (pangasius). This is a good alternative because the natural fish habitat is decreasing due to sand intrusion and other causes (KII, Teacher, 51, Chandpur).
2) Traditional knowledge–based long-term strategies
Building houses at a higher elevation is an essential strategy for managing safe and secure shelters (Fig. 3d) owing to sedimentation and flooding, as reported by 57% of respondents (Fig. 5). More than half of respondents had raised their homestead and floor occasionally in the last 8 years, considering their experience with floodwater and sedimentation during the previous year.
I built my house on an earthen platform and raised it almost every year from half to one foot, based on the experience of the last flood and sedimentation. There were massive landslides and extreme rainfall in 2010 and 2012, and we could not save our house as it was at a lower elevation (Fisherman, Male, 27, Rojoniline).
Brother, land has become infertile since 2005 because of the excessive volume of sand. First, I did not grow anything on my land, which had been barren for approximately two years. After that, I planted some wild vegetation - Dhol Kalmi (lpomoea aquatica) and Kash (Saccharum spontaneum), to retain sediment (Farmer, Male, 30, Chandpur).
Before the recent enhanced sand deposition in the LPHs, small rivers and channels always flowed and rarely became fully dry. Consequently, surface water was available in nearby ponds and ditches, and people stored water with the help of bundh/dyke management and irrigated their crops with the help of floodwater in the low-lying parts of the haor. People also used different traditional methods, such as done (boat-shaped irrigation implements) and sheuti (swing basket irrigation implements), to irrigate their crops from surrounding rivers and used beels and khals (ponds) during the dry season. However, 56% of respondents (Fig. 5) adopted shallow tube wells and other traditional irrigation techniques for boro paddy cultivation, with deep tube wells being expensive for marginal farmers. Typically, wealthy farmers set up deep/shallow tube wells and water pumps and sell water to other farmers after planting saplings through harvesting from early February to late March.
5. Discussion
The present study shows that the “silent” disaster of excessive sedimentation generated by flooding in the LPHs wetlands of northeastern Bangladesh has severe impacts for its residents and is associated with a range of vulnerability and livelihood shocks. Sedimentation leads to direct impacts that make it difficult for local people to survive: farmland destruction, reduced crop yields, reduced fishing grounds, damaged property, and unemployment, which increases the burden on households. These impacts cause residents to innovate different coping strategies in response to these sedimentation-related vulnerabilities. The multiple coping strategies identified in the present study demonstrate behavioral flexibility in response to stressors, as also reported by Dimitriadis et al. (2021), and highlights the need to understand both short-term and long-term coping strategies in local communities.
Some strategies increase the burden on local people, such as informal borrowing from friends, family, and local vendors, and formal microcredit from banks and nonprofit organizations at high-interest rates that increase over time and are often never repaid. When extreme poverty is generated by major disasters that occur regularly, the need to repay debts can add to stress, anxiety, and despair, leading to migration. Similarities in such adaptive strategies are found in Bangladesh (Ahmed et al. 2023) and India (Mahanta and Das 2017).
These weather-related disasters compel the local populace to modify their daily routines and adopt new strategies to survive. These include decreasing family spending, selling assets at a loss, fasting or skipping meals, permitting child labor, working in advance for little pay, staying away from social or family events, and migration to nearby cities due to a lack of work in paddy fields due to excessive sedimentation. These findings mirror a study conducted on wetlands (Choudhury and Haque 2016) in Bangladesh. However, the present study also found that financial needs and environmental degradation due to sedimentation forced wetland dwellers to sell their livestock and trees as a predominant adaptation strategy. Several studies (Ahsan 2017; Chowdhury and Parida 2023; Pham et al. 2019; Quandt 2021) have also shown that rural people sell their liquid assets, especially livestock and trees, during the lean season to mitigate economic crises.
The findings of the present study can play a practical role for sustainable livelihoods. For example, agricultural practice–based strategies can foster agricultural adaptation including better land-use planning, planting sediment-tolerant crops, methods to enhance soil fertility, and proper irrigation management. These strategies support livelihood diversification and strengthen food security in sediment-prone areas, enabling communities to build community resilience to the impacts of climate change. The study also describes the nature of social capital, including sharing resources or information, social networking that can assist knowledge of social ties, and collective actions in wetland areas. This knowledge will help to drive community-based adaptation strategies in response to environmental threats. Moreover, various long-term innovative strategies, such as planting wild aquatic plants, expanding water storage facilities, constructing sustainable dikes, and building houses at higher elevations, can improve flood management significantly and support wetland restoration. These approaches not only mitigate flood risks but also enhance carbon sequestration by promoting healthier ecosystems, contributing to climate change mitigation in the process.
Our findings suggest that impact analyses must be utilized to guide policy changes and interventions, as well as to emphasize the relevance of mental health, food security, and socioeconomic status. Furthermore, our findings indicate a decline in humanitarianism, which necessitates critical assessment and advocacy for remedies. Given that the inhabitants of the haor landscape have developed survival strategies that have sometimes left them without hope, there will be little recovery without regular planning and viable alternatives from various stakeholders, such as NGOs and governmental organizations (GOs), given the risks and vulnerability that climate change–related events regularly bring to bear on these communities. Furthermore, to reduce the amount of sediment that enters the wetlands, and better manage the rivers and canals that supply the wetlands with sediment, the Bangladeshi government must engage in cross-border dialogue.
6. Conclusions and future research
The research presented herein demonstrates that people living in the wetlands of NE Bangladesh have developed various adaptation strategies in response to excessive sedimentation. The severity of disasters caused by extreme weather events, such as flash floods, significantly influences the changes in adaptation techniques in this region. Although floods are seasonal and may occur two or three times per year, sedimentation is a constant stress factor that requires innovative coping strategies from the local community throughout the year. It is thus crucial to understand, and compare, the innovative adaptation strategies employed by populations vulnerable to climate stressors. This will aid development of comprehensive and widespread policies to manage the future effects of climate change, both locally and globally. However, because the impacts of climate change are not limited to localized issues and may pose problems beyond national borders, this necessitates the development of novel adaptation strategies that can be applied elsewhere.
Future research should focus on development of cropping methods and crops that are more capable of withstanding flooding and sedimentation, which would help promote sustainable farming practices and increase resilience in regions vulnerable to these risks. Additionally, our study highlights the need to examine the impacts of sedimentation on migration patterns, fertility rates, and infant mortality, and how they exacerbate the vulnerability of haor communities (Haq 2022). To address concerns regarding poverty, health, and social justice (Islam et al. 2022), our study underlines the benefits of exploring how these vulnerabilities could be reduced. Such considerations should primarily involve implementing policies that address the natural and human landscapes (Best et al. 2022) of the haor wetlands in relation to the impacts of sedimentation. Future research should also expand its geographical scope to both other wetlands in northeastern Bangladesh and other regions, to facilitate a more comprehensive analysis of adaptation practices related to sedimentation. This would also enable comparisons to be made with other South Asian and global communities facing similar environmental challenges.
Acknowledgments.
The research involving human participants did not obtain ethical review and approval following institutional requirements, as the university (SUST) did not establish an ethics committee until 2022, after the research was conducted. However, retrospective approval is not feasible. Nevertheless, we adhered to standard guidelines during data collection to ensure the participants’ privacy, confidentiality, and sensitivity. The interviewer informed all participants about the study objectives and confirmed that the data provided would be confidential and used only for the study. Participants were told that the results and findings of the survey would be published and were also asked to provide consent to participate in the study. The authors declare that the research was conducted without any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as potential conflicts of interest.
Data availability statement.
The study gathered raw data from respondents that cannot be shared because respondents were informed during data collection that their information would not be disclosed.
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