The author thanks William Carroll, Josh Curtis, Yue Qian, Markus Schafer, Yang Su, Jack Veugelers, Bowen Yu, and Yang Zhang for their encouragement and helpful comments on earlier drafts. He also thanks the anonymous reviewers for their constructive critiques and valuable advice.
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For instance, the New York Central Park Obs Belvedere Tower station, one of the earliest weather record stations, has the most complete data since 1876 to the present, but it only recorded evaporation data for 13 years (1948–59); for the average daily wind speed (AWND), the Central Park station only began recording on 1 January 1984. These and other similar problems limit the choice of variables.
Hourly precipitation would be ideal if we could match it with hourly social movement dynamics. However, the DoCA data do not provide an hourly record of how lively a movement is on a particular day; in fact, there is no such database available in the field of social movements or contentious politics.
Categories of “The Bronx,” “Brooklyn,” “Manhattan,” “Queens,” and “Staten Island” were recoded into the category of “New York City.”
More than 91% of the events in DoCA only last for one day. Therefore, the starting date is treated as equivalent to the “event day”; the study does not focus on the weather dynamics for multiple-day events (only 9% of total observations).
Detailed information is available from the author upon request.
An anonymous reviewer raised a valid concern about whether the marginal distributions of various forms of collective actions differ across the two periods of 1960–77 and 1978–95. After all, if the forms of actions are associated with the two periods, and if forms of actions are associated with sensitivity to weather conditions, the discovered “period–weather” interaction in this paper might be spurious, and the actual interaction should be “form of action–weather.” If that is the case, the finding in this paper only reflects that American’s preference of certain forms of collective actions changed from the 1960s to the 1990s, and the author’s suggested explanation could be no more than an ad hoc explanation for the United States during 1960–95. The author investigated the contingency table of periods and forms of actions given by the DoCA data. The investigation shows the event distributions during the two periods does not challenge the main arguments here. Both periods featured with certain forms of collective actions: “picketing” and “civil disobedience” occurred more during 1960–77 and “rally/demonstration” and “lawsuit/legal maneuver” occurred more during 1978–95. Both periods have some outstanding numbers of “indoor” and “outdoor” (which are presumably more sensitive to weather conditions) activities. Even if the forms of action make a difference, the opposite effects cancel each other, and the author has reason to believe that does not challenge the main argument. More details are available from the author upon request. The author appreciates the anonymous reviewer pointing this out.